Banking on Journalists is guaranteed to fail
BY ABRAHA
DERSO
Outrageous articles like that
by David Hirst (The Guardian, 18 May 1999), famous for his repeated massacre of
truth, are guaranteed to spur into action even those who normally never put pen
to paper to write to newspaper editors. David Hirst had long become a
mouthpiece for Isaias Afeworki's futile propaganda. It is an open secret among
Ethiopians and his latest ramblings came as no surprise. That a respectable
Newspaper like The Guardian should continue to offer him the platform to air his
perverse views does, however, fill them with a sense of bewilderment and make
them question the paper's position on the issue of the Ethio-Eritrean dispute.
Maybe David Hirst has a contract to submit a guaranteed number of articles to
The Guardian each year. But surely it is the editor's responsibility not to
accept "damaged goods". Such scrutiny is rightly demanded by readers
and the lack of editorial control may lead people to conclude that The Guardian
either concurs with David Hirst's deliberate distortion of truth, and has thus,
(wittingly or unwittingly) become a vehicle of Eritrean propaganda, or that the
editorial staff truly continue to be ignorant of the root cause of the dispute
between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Either position would be deplorable for a paper of
The Guardian's standing. A week is a long time in politics, former British prime
Minster Harold Wilson is credited as saying. A year certainly is, and it feels
like eternity since the Ethio-Eritrea dispute started in May 1998. So a brief
reminder of the genesis of the dispute may be in order.
After the EPRDF forces finally
defeated the military dictatorship of Mengistu Hailemariam in May 1991,
Ethiopians, who were thoroughly fed up of years of internecine wars, cut their
annual military budget from some 1.3 billion to a mere 240 million dollars. They
set out on a concerted development programme to improve the conditions of life
of their people. In the mean time Eritrea, which formally separated from
Ethiopia following a referendum in 1993, continued to build up its armaments and
instituted compulsory military training for all its youth. Then it went into
battle with Yemen, then with the Sudan followed by a brief skirmish with Djibouti.
Little were Ethiopians to know
that these were mere dress rehearsals for a bigger project until Isaias Afeworki
sent in, Mussolini style, three mechanised brigades into Badme in May 1998 and
occupied it by force. Journalists like David Hirst cheered him from the
sidelines as his army terrorised the local Ethiopian citizens and deliberately
bombed school children and other civilians further afield in Mekelle and
Adigrat. He further sent in his army to grab more lands along the borders, in
such places as Zalanbessa and Alitena, hoping for a stronger negotiating
position with " a weak and divided Ethiopia ". He calculated very
badly. To the dismay of Isaias Afeworki and his clique this unbridled aggression
only helped Ethiopians became more united than at any time in their history. No
amount of wishful thinking on the part of Isaias Afeworki, or his soothsayer
journalist friends like David Hirst, Alexander Last or Peter Worthington of the
Toronto Sun, can alter this fact.
The Eritrean Il Duce thought he
was being clever when he started this totally unnecessary dispute in May 1998.
He thought he was being clever with his vacillations as Ethiopia and the rest of
the world pleaded with him for nine months for the dispute to be resolved
peacefully. He still thinks he is being clever even when Eritrea is becoming
physically, militarily and economically emaciated by war. Waging war against its
will, even when it is clear that it will ultimately win, has been one of the
most painful experiences a lot of Ethiopians have had to witness as the Eritrean
leader plunged the two counties into war in a carefully choreographed plan to
divert attention from their disastrous economic failures.
However, as long as the
Eritrean leader continues with his defiance of reason, Ethiopians accept that it
must be done for the ultimate good not just of Ethiopians but also, perverse
though it may sound, the ordinary Eritreans too.
Isaias Afeworki could have
stopped this war at a stroke by the simple expediency of withdrawing his army
from the occupied lands so that a lasting resolution of the dispute may start.
However it would be against his character to do so, resulting in the continuing
mass displacement and disruption of the lives of hundreds of thousands of
Ethiopians on the front line who have had to endure shelling by the cowardly
Isaias army and the hundreds of thousands of landmines that now litter the
countryside. This being the case Ethiopia has no option but to continue to
degrade and destroy Isaias’ war machine that has brought so much suffering not
only to the Ethiopians but also to the ordinary Eritreans who surely can have no
higher wish than to live in peace with their neighbours. The question that needs
to be asked is this: in this land of one man band government without free speech
or free newspapers, have the so called journalists like David Hirst tried to
find out what the ordinary Eritreans would like Isaias to do to end their
suffering? The most likely scenario is that these journalists would not be
allowed to meet ordinary Eritreans to carry out such interviews, but even if
they did the ordinary Eritreans are unlikely to put their trust in such
individuals and divulge the secrets of their inner most feelings.
Shatir (intrigue) will not
win the war
After the earth-shattering
reversal the Eritrean army suffered at Badme and subsequent, and apparently
worse, hammering at the hands of the Ethiopian defence forces, the Eritrean
leaders have invented a most unlikely story: that Ethiopia is trying to take
back Eritrea. This latest story is primarily targeted at the ears of Eritreans
in the Diaspora who must ensure the constant flow of funds that are paying for
Isaias’ disastrous war. The international community could not be deceived by
such a shabby story. So now Isaias has brought David Hirst & Co out of
the trenches to tell outrageous lies for him through the medium of respectable
Newspapers, and other media outlets. This attempt at divide and rule, which
Isaias learnt from Eritrea's former Italian fascist masters, will fail dismally-
just like the disaster that befell his "invincible" army.
It is about time Isaias
Afeworki, and the Eritrean elite, realised that the only sensible way to end the
suffering is to withdraw from the occupied lands and then sit down at the
negotiating table. Shatir (intrigue) and disgraceful journalism will not save
them from the disaster that is staring them in the face. If they persist in
defying reasoned persuasion then the pain of the rod will, whether they like it
or not, force them to do so sooner or later. In the meantime one shrieks at the
vast sums of money Isaias Afeworki is wasting in his futile war effort while the
Eritrean people languish in poverty and hardship. One also thinks of all the
extra development projects that would have been accomplished in Ethiopia in the
past year if the country did not have to deal with the distraction of the
petulant Eritrean leader, although the country continues in a business-as-usual
manner in many respects.